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The American Public and
the Arab Awakening
A Study of American Public Opinion
Released in Conjunction with the
US-Islamic World Forum
April 12-14, 2011
Primary Investigators:
Shibley Telhami, Steven Kull
STAFF: Clay Ramsay, Evan
Lewis, Stefan Subias
The Anwar Sadat Chair for Peace and Development
was established at the University of Maryland,
College Park in the fall of 1997 in memory of the
late Egyptian President Anwar Sadat. The Chair,
under the leadership of the Sadat Professor Shibley
Telhami, is housed in the Center for International
Development and Conflict Management (CIDCM) and
makes its academic home in the Department of
Government and Politics. The Chair was made possible
by the commitment of Anwar Sadat's widow, Dr. Jehan
Sadat, to her husband's legacy of leadership for
peace. With support from all levels of the
University, Dr. Sadat created an endowment for the
Chair from the generous support of many individual
contributors from around the world.
The Program on International Policy Attitudes (PIPA)
was established in 1992 with the purpose of giving
public opinion a greater voice in international
relations. PIPA conducts in-depth studies of public
opinion that include polls, focus groups and
interviews. It integrates its findings together with
those of other organizations. It actively seeks the
participation of members of the policy community in
developing its polls so as to make them immediately
relevant to the needs of policymakers. PIPA is a
joint program of the Center on Policy Attitudes and
the Center for International and Security Studies at
Maryland (CISSM).
The
Center for International and Security Studies at
Maryland (CISSM),
at the University of Maryland’s School for Public
Policy, pursues policy-oriented scholarship on major
issues facing the United States in the global
arena. Using its research, forums, and
publications, CISSM links the University and the
policy community to improve communication between
scholars and practitioners.
Knowledge
Networks
is a polling, social science, and market research
firm based in Menlo Park, California. Knowledge
Networks uses a large-scale nationwide research
panel which is randomly selected from the national
population of households having telephones and is
subsequently provided internet access for the
completion of surveys (and thus is not limited to
those who already have internet access).
Acknowledgements
Abe Medoff managed the production of the report,
with contributions from Alexandra Beizan-Diaz and
Benjamin Weinberg.
This
project was funded by the Circle Foundation and the
Anwar Sadat Chair.
INTRODUCTION
Ignited by the self-immolation of a vegetable seller
abused by a low-level government official, inflamed
publics throughout the Arab world have risen up
demanding democracy and denouncing corrupt and
entrenched governments. Leaders in the US and other
western governments have been reeling as they have seen
allied governments in Tunisia and then Egypt tumble and
others in the region destabilized with their prospects
still uncertain.
These developments have raised profound questions for
US foreign policy as the American leaders have both
tried to get out in front of the popular demand for
democracy and to preserve good relations with
governments still standing—at least for now.
While most of this discussion has occurred within the
realm of elite discourse, the questions that have arisen
are ones that relate to fundamental issues and values
that can and do engage many Americans. However the
American public has had little chance to weigh in on
these questions.
To bring the American public into this discussion the
Anwar Sadat Chair for Peace and Development and the
Program on International Policy Attitudes (PIPA), both
of the University of Maryland, undertook an in-depth
survey of Americans’ current attitudes toward the Arab
world and the unfolding drama in it. The study sought
to address the following questions:
Americans are going through a difficult economic
recovery: in this context, how many Americans look on
relations with the Muslim world as a high priority
today?
Some in the policy community are concerned that a
movement toward democracy poses a threat to US interests
as it may lead to the election of governments that are
unfriendly to the US. Does the public look at the
potential for democracy with trepidation? And what if
elections were to result in an unfriendly government—how
would the public feel about the democratic change then?
While Islamist groups were not visible at the forefront
when demonstrations began, there are signs that these
groups are finding their footing now. Does the US
public perceive the uprisings as having a dominant
Islamist component?
Some also hold the views that tendencies inherent in
Islam or Arab political culture make them incompatible
with democracy. Do Americans think it is possible for
Arab and Islamic countries to become democratic?
Over the last several years, Americans in general have
tended to lukewarm or unfavorable feelings about many
Middle Eastern countries—including some that are US
allies, as well as some that are not. Has the Arab
spring had an impact on these feelings?
Beside the government, how do Americans feel about the
Arab people and how has this been affected by the
uprisings?
Much of the policy debate in the United States has been
over what kind of role the US should take in countries
experiencing waves of demonstrations. Some argue the US
should take a stronger role as the champion of freedom
and support the demonstrators; others express concern
about the costs for US policy of putting long-time
American allies under more pressure to reform. Where
does the public come down in this discussion?
In Libya the US is now committed to an international
effort to maintain a no-fly zone and obstruct pro-Qadaffi
forces from attacking civilians. Does the public
support this effort? And if the air strikes fail would
Americans favor going further and supplying the rebels
with arms?
Before the wave of demonstrations and uprisings began,
the US was facing difficulties in its effort to get
negotiations in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict off
dead center. How does the American public view this
effort now—and has the Arab spring had an influence on
their views?
Finally, the Arab awakening poses a major new question
mark about the possibility of finding common ground
between the West and the Muslim world. The democratic
wave has provided stirring images of unarmed crowds
demonstrating in the face of bullets, both rubber and
steel. How do Americans feel about these issues now?
METHODOLOGY
The
poll was fielded from April 1 to 5, 2011 with a
sample-size of 802 respondents. The margin of error for
the full sample was 3.5%. It was conducted using the
web-enabled KnowledgePanel®, a probability-based panel
designed to be representative of the U.S. population.
Initially, participants are chosen scientifically by a
random selection of telephone numbers and residential
addresses. Persons in selected households are then
invited by telephone or by mail to participate in the
web-enabled KnowledgePanel®. For those who agree to
participate, but do not already have Internet access,
Knowledge Networks provides a laptop and ISP connection.
More technical information is available at
http://www.knowledgenetworks.com/ganp/reviewer-info.html.
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
The key findings of the study were:
1. Priority
of US-Muslim World Relations
Six in ten Americans view US relations with the Muslim
world as at least one of the top five issues in US
foreign policy............................................................................................
4
2.
The US and Democracy in the Middle East
An
overwhelming majority of Americans think that it would
be positive for the US if the Middle East were to become
more democratic, and a solid majority would favor this
happening even if this resulted in the country being
more likely to oppose US policies.................................................................................................................................
4
3. Potential
for Democracy in the Middle East
Only a small minority believes that the uprisings in the
Arab world are primarily about Islamist groups seeking
political power, while the most common position is that
they are primarily about ordinary people seeking freedom
and democracy. A slight majority is confident that the
changes in the Middle East will lead to more democracy.
A clear majority, though, thinks it is possible for Arab
and Islamic countries to become democratic, rejecting
the idea that Islam and democracy are incompatible..........................................................................................................................5
4. Effect of the Uprising
on Views of the Arab World
Trend line questions show signs of modest improvement in
American attitudes toward Saudi Arabia, Syria, and
Egypt. Majorities express favorable views of the Arab
people in general, the Saudi people and especially the
Egyptian people, putting the Egyptian people nearly on a
par with the Israeli people. Substantial numbers say
that the uprisings have increased their sympathy for the
Arab people and their sense of how similar the
aspirations of the Arab world are to theirs. Only very
small minorities said that it decreased these feelings
and
perceptions...........................................................................7
5. How US Should Deal
With Uprisings
About two thirds believe that the US should take a
neutral position relative to the government and the
demonstrators in Syria, Bahrain, Yemen, Saudi Arabia or
Jordan. However, among those who want the US to take a
side, they overwhelmingly favor the US siding with the
demonstrators...............................................................................................8
6.
The Conflict in Libya
A
majority, though a declining one, approves of the use of
US airpower, together with that of other countries, to
defend Libyan civilians. If the air campaign does not
succeed, a majority of respondents say they would oppose
providing arms to the
rebels.....................................................................................................................................9
7.
The Israeli-Palestinian Issue
The uprisings in the Arab world have had little effect
on American views of the Israeli-Palestinian issue. Two
thirds continue to have a favorable view of Israel, but
also continue to favor the US not lean toward favoring
either side in the conflict. The dominant view
continues to be that the Obama administration’s efforts
to resolve the conflict are at about the right level;
among the rest, as recently as November more said that
the Administration was not trying hard enough, but now
that number has gone down and an equal number say that
the Administration is trying too
hard.................................................9
8.
Compatibility of West and Islam
Majorities reject the view that violent conflict between
Muslim and Western cultures is inevitable and believe
that their nations can peacefully coexist. However, a
majority continues to believe that there are more
violent extremists within Islam than in other
religions...............................................................................................................................10
FINDINGS
1. Priority
of US-Muslim World Relations
Six in ten Americans
view US relations with the Muslim world as at least one
of the top five issues in US foreign policy.

A
majority of Americans see the relations between the
US and the Muslim
world as among the several most important issues the US
faces in its foreign policy. Respondents were asked,
“Thinking about US interests, how important an issue is
the US relationship with Muslims and Muslim majority
countries—the single most important issue for the US;
among the top three issues; among the top five issues;
or not among the top five issues?”
Sixty-one percent rated “the US relationship with
Muslims and Muslim majority countries” as at least
among the top five issues for US interests, with 43%
rating it among the top five issues, 15% going further
and rating it among the top three, and 3% calling it the
single most important issue. Only 36% said relations
with the Muslim world were not among the top five issues
for US interests. This view-- virtually unchanged from
the fall of 2010--has apparently not been influenced by
the pro-democratic wave in Arab countries.
2.
The US and Democracy in the Middle East
An overwhelming majority
of Americans think that it would be positive for the US
if the Middle East were to become more democratic, and a
solid majority would favor this happening even if this
resulted in the country being more likely to oppose US
policies.
When asked “Do you think that if the countries of the
Middle East become more democratic, this will be more
positive or more negative for the US over the next few
years,” two in three (65%) said this would be a positive
development for the United States, and only 31% thought
it would be more negative.
When asked how a more democratic Middle East would
affect the United States not just in the next few years,
but “in the long run,” a larger majority of 76% thought
this would be more positive, while only 19% saw it as
more negative.
Among those who rated US-Muslim relations among the top
five issues for US foreign policy views were even more
positive. For the near term 68% thought it would be more
positive; while among those rating US-Muslim relations
lower, this was 62%. In the long term 80% viewed
democratization as positive for the US, as compared to
72% of those who saw it as a lower priority.

A clear majority
welcomes a greater measure of democracy, even with
increased risk of opposition to US policies.
Offered the statement, “I would want to see a
country become more democratic, even if this
resulted in the country being more likely to oppose
US policies,” 57% said they agreed. This is up 9
points from when the same question was asked in
2005. In the current poll 40% disagreed with the
statement, unchanged from 2005. “Don’t know”
responses dropped from 12% to 4%, suggesting that
Americans have come to greater clarity on the issue.
Among those who
rated US-Muslim relations among the top five US
foreign policy issues, 60% agreed with the
statement; among the rest, this was 52%.
3. Potential for
Democracy in the Middle East
Only a small
minority believes that the uprisings in the Arab
world are primarily about Islamist groups seeking
political power, while the most common position is
that they are primarily about ordinary people
seeking freedom and democracy. A slight majority is
confident that the changes in the Middle East will
lead to more democracy. A clear majority, though,
thinks it is possible for Arab and Islamic countries
to become democratic, rejecting the idea that Islam
and democracy are incompatible.

When
Americans look at the political changes sweeping the
Arab world, they do not perceive them as having a
dominant Islamist component. Asked whether they
thought “the popular uprisings in the Arab world are
more about Islamist groups seeking political power,
more about ordinary people seeking freedom and
democracy, or both equally,” just 15% said they were
more about Islamist groups seeking power. A much
larger 45% said the uprisings were more about people
seeking democracy. Thirty-seven percent said they
were about both things equally.
Among those who
rated US-Muslim relations among the top five US
foreign policy issues, 51% said the uprisings were
more about people seeking democracy (13% Islamist
groups, 34% both equally); among the rest, 37% said
they were more about people seeking democracy (17%
Islamist groups, 41% both equally).
Americans
only lean slightly to an optimistic view about the
likelihood of democracy resulting from the current
wave of change. A slight majority of 51% thought it
likely that “the changes occurring in the Middle
East will lead to more democracy there,” but only 9%
called this very likely, while 42% said it was
somewhat likely. Forty-seven percent thought an
outcome of more democracy was unlikely, but only 7%
said it was not at all likely, while 40% said it was
not very likely.
Those who rated
US-Muslim relations among the top five issues were
considerably more positive: 58% of this group said
more democracy was likely; among the rest, only 40%
thought so. Views also divide sharply along
partisan lines with 64% of Republicans pessimistic,
63% of Democrats optimistic, and independents
leaning to the optimistic side (52% to 47%).
However, a larger
majority views democracy in Arab
and Islamic
countries as a definite possibility. Respondents
were asked to choose one of two positions: that “it
is possible for Islamic countries to be democratic,”
or that “democracy and Islam are incompatible.” A
clear majority of 56% said this was possible, while
41% thought democracy and Islam are incompatible.
When this question was asked in 2005, the majority
seeing democracy as possible was almost the same
(55%).
Respondents were
also asked later in the questionnaire whether it is
possible for “Arab countries” to be
democratic--again counterposed against the argument
that democracy and Islam are incompatible. The
results were virtually the same: 54% said it is
possible for Arab countries to be democratic, while
42% said that democracy and Islam are incompatible.
These questions,
though, were a point of partisan difference. While
a large majority of Democrats (69%) and a modest
majority of independents (52%) said that it is
possible for Islamic countries to be democratic,
Republicans were divided, with only 47% taking this
position and 51% saying that Islam and democracy are
incompatible. Numbers were similar for the question
about Arab societies--but among Republicans only 43%
said it is possible for Arabs to be democratic,
while a 55% majority said that democracy and Islam
are incompatible.
4. Effect of the
Uprising on Views of the Arab World
Trend line questions
show signs of modest improvement in American
attitudes toward Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Egypt.
Majorities express favorable views of the Arab
people in general, the Saudi people and especially
the Egyptian people, putting the Egyptian people
nearly on a par with the Israeli people. Substantial
numbers say that the uprisings have increased their
sympathy for the Arab people and their sense of how
similar the aspirations of the Arab world are to
theirs. Only very small minorities said that it
decreased these feelings and perceptions.
When asked whether
their views of some key Arab countries are favorable
or unfavorable, there are signs of a modest but
definite warming in the US public compared to the
past.
A little under half
(44%) expressed favorable views of Saudi Arabia, up
9 points from when Gallup last asked this question
in 2010. In the current poll 51% expressed an
unfavorable view, down 7 points from 2010. The last
time Gallup found this level of warm feelings for
Saudi Arabia was before 9/11.
Views
of Syria, while still largely unfavorable, are also
warmer than any levels Gallup has found in recent
years. Currently, 32% express favorable views, up
11 points from the 21% that Gallup found in 2007 and
higher than Gallup has ever found. Unfavorable
views are still substantial, though, at 61%--down
from 66% in 2007.
For Egypt, a
majority of 60% said they have a favorable view,
while 33% have an unfavorable view. This is a sharp
improvement over just two months earlier in
February—during the peak of the crisis--when only
40% were favorable toward Egypt (Gallup). However,
this is not a significant increase over the
favorability ratings in previous years.

When respondents
were asked about the people
in Arab countries,
their answers were more positive than when they were
just asked about the countries themselves. “Arab
people in general” were also viewed favorably by
56%; 38% viewed them unfavorably.
Fifty-seven percent
had favorable views of the people of Saudi Arabia—13
points higher than their favorable views of the
country-- while 37% had unfavorable views.
Interestingly, a
large majority of 70% viewed the Egyptian people
favorably—10 points higher than their favorable
views for the country--and only 24% had unfavorable
views. Interestingly, this is only a little less
the number who view the Israeli people favorably
(73%).
There are
indications that some of these favorable views may
be related to the Arab uprisings. Respondents were
asked how “the popular uprisings in the Arab world”
affected their views on a number of areas.

A
substantial number reported changes related to their
views of the Arab people. Thirty-nine percent said
that their “level of sympathy for the Arab people”
had increased a little (27%) or a lot (12%), while
only 6% said their sympathy had decreased (54% said
there had been no change). Thirty-three percent
said their “sense of how similar the aspirations of
the Arab people are to yours” had increased a little
(25%) or a lot (8%); only 9% said this sense had
decreased for them (56% said there had been no
change).
However, when asked
about the effect of the uprisings on their optimism,
the net effects were more modest. Twenty-seven said
their “optimism about relations between the US and
the Arab world” had increased, while for 17% it had
decreased. Twenty-nine percent said their
“optimism that peaceful change is possible in the
Arab world” had increased, though 24% said it had
decreased.
5. How US Should
Deal With Uprisings
About two thirds
believe that the US should take a neutral position
relative to the government and the demonstrators in
Syria, Bahrain, Yemen, Saudi Arabia or Jordan.
However, among those who want the US to take a side,
they overwhelmingly favor the US siding with the
demonstrators.

Respondents were
asked whether “in responding to the popular
uprisings in the following countries,” the US should
“express support for the demonstrators, express
support for the government, or not take a
position.” They were asked this question relative
to five countries: Syria, Bahrain, Jordan, Saudi
Arabia, and Yemen. Across the five countries,
65-69% said the US should not take a position about
the uprisings in those countries (Syria 66%, Bahrain
69%, Jordan 68%, Saudi Arabia 65%, Yemen 68%).
However, among those
who wanted the US to express support in one
direction or the other, the weight went
overwhelmingly toward supporting the demonstrators.
Though some countries are allies of the US and
others are not, there was little variation in this
pattern. Thus for Syria, 26% wanted to express
support for the demonstrators, 4% for the
government; for Bahrain, 21% wanted to support
demonstrators, 6% the government; for Jordan, 21%
for the demonstrators, 7% for the government; for
Saudi Arabia, 21% for the demonstrators, 10% for the
government; and for Yemen, 24% for the demonstrators
and 5% for the government.
6. The Conflict in
Libya
A majority, though a
declining one, approves of the use of US airpower,
together with that of other countries, to defend
Libyan civilians. If the air campaign does not
succeed, a majority of respondents say they would
oppose providing arms to the rebels.
At the time of
polling, the airstrikes in Libya by the US and other
countries had been in progress for about two weeks.
Respondents were asked a question first used by CBS
News:
As
you may know, the U.S. military and other countries
have begun cruise missile and air strikes in Libya
in order to protect civilians from attacks by
Qaddafi's forces. Do you approve or disapprove of
the U.S. and other countries taking this military
action in Libya?
A majority of 54%
approved the airstrikes, while 43% disapproved.
This represents a 14-point dropoff in support from
the 68% that CBS found March 20-21, starting the day
after airstrikes began. It is common that the
moment after initiating military action is also the
action’s highest point of support in polls. While
63% of Democrats and 55% of Republicans approved,
independents were divided (48% approve, 49%
disapprove).

Respondents were
also asked to consider what to do in the event the
airstrikes fail to achieve their goal. Asked: “If
the air campaign does not succeed in protecting
civilians from attacks by Qaddafi’s forces, would
you support or oppose the US and other countries
providing arms to the Libyan rebels?” A majority
opposed this idea by 59% to 36%.
7. The
Israeli-Palestinian Issue
The uprisings in the
Arab world have had little effect on American views
of the Israeli-Palestinian issue. Two thirds
continue to have a favorable view of Israel, but
also continue to favor the US not lean toward
favoring either side in the conflict. The dominant
view continues to be that the Obama administration’s
efforts to resolve the conflict are at about the
right level; among the rest, as recently as November
more said that the Administration was not trying
hard enough, but now that number has gone down and
an equal number say that the Administration is
trying too hard.
A
large majority continue to have a favorable view of
Israel—69% (21% very, 48% mostly). This is virtually
no different from the level Gallup found at the
height of the Egyptian uprising (68%) or that CNN
found in 2010 (67%). Thus Americans reactions to
the Arab uprising do not appear to be having an
effect on their generally favorable attitude toward
Israel.
At the same time,
though, Americans continue to favor by a large
margin the US not taking sides in the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Asked, “In its
efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict,
what position do you believe the US should take—lean
toward Israel, lean toward the Palestinians, or lean
toward neither side?” 65% said the US should lean
toward neither side. Only 27% said the US should
lean toward Israel, and 5% that it should lean
toward the Palestinians. This is almost identical
to the result of this question in a Sadat Chair poll
in November 2010, just before the Arab uprisings
began.
As was true in late
2010, the dominant view of “the Obama
Administration’s diplomatic efforts to resolve the
Palestinian-Israeli conflict” is that “the
Administration’s efforts are at the right
level”—41%, both in this study and in 2010.
However, there has been an interesting shift among
the remaining respondents. In November 30% faulted
the Administration for “not trying hard enough”—more
than the 21% who thought it was “trying too hard.”
Now those who think the Administration is trying is
not trying hard enough is down four points to 26%,
while those saying it is trying too hard is up 7
points to 28%, so that views are essentially
balanced.
8. Compatibility of
West and Islam
Majorities reject
the view that violent conflict between Muslim and
Western cultures is inevitable and believe that
their nations can peacefully coexist. However, a
majority continues to believe that there are more
violent extremists within Islam than in other
religions.

Asked to think about
Muslim and Western cultures, and say whether “it is
possible to find common ground between them” or
whether “violent conflict is inevitable,” three in
five--59%--said they thought it was possible find
common ground. A lesser 41% thought violent
conflict is inevitable.
The study also asked
about the relations between Western and Muslim
nations. Asked whether “Western nations and
Muslim nations can find a way to peacefully coexist
in the world today,” or whether “violent conflict
between them is inevitable, the answer was
essentially the same. Fifty-five percent said
Western and Muslim nations can coexist, while 44%
said conflict was inevitable.
Those who rate the
US-Muslim world relationship among the top five
issues for US interests are significantly more
likely to think common ground can be found between
Western and Muslim cultures. Among this group 64%
said it was possible to find common ground—13 points
higher than the 51% found among those who accord
less importance to the relationship.
Attitudes also
differ by party, though; 68% of Democrats and 59% of
independents think common ground can be found, while
52% of Republicans say violent conflict is
inevitable.
Events since 2002
have brought a majority to feel that there are more
violent extremists within Islam compared to those in
other religions, and more in the Arab world than in
other cultures. The study probed this view with two
questions, widely separated in the questionnaire.
Sixty-two percent said that “compared to other
religions,” “there are more violent extremists
within Islam”; 31% thought their numbers were about
the same as in other religions (6% said there were
fewer). When asked about Arabs, a slightly lower
59% said that “compared to other cultures,” “there
are more violent extremists among Arabs”; about a
third (35%) said it was “about the same number as in
other cultures” (fewer, 4%).
This was quite
different from when this question was asked in
February 2002--shortly after the initial victory in
Afghanistan-- by ABC News. At that a 46% plurality
said the number of violent extremists was about the
same as in other religions (41%) or fewer (5%); only
38% said there were more within Islam. By March
2006, however—the start of the Iraq war’s fourth
year—ABC News found a majority attitude had formed
that Islam harbored relatively more violent
extremists (58%).
The fact that this
view remains essentially unchanged in the current
poll suggests that the fact that Arab demonstrators
showed remarkable restraint has not affected this
view of Islam. Respondents also report that on
balance the character of the demonstrations did not
affect surprise them. Respondents were asked: “When
you watched the Arab popular uprisings, as compared
to what you expected, were the demonstrators more
violent, more peaceful, or about the same as you
expected?” A 53% majority said the demonstrators’
actions were about what they had expected. Among
the rest, approximately the same number said
demonstrators were more violent than expected (23%)
as said they were more peaceful than expected
(19%).
Respondents also
reported that overall the “numerous popular
uprisings in the Arab world” had little affect on
their “sense of how widespread religious fanaticism
is among Arabs.” Two thirds (64%) said there had
been no change; 26% said their sense of this had
increased, while 9% said it had decreased.
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